Author: Siddhant Sumon

One nation, one election’ suggests holding simultaneous elections for the Lok Sabha and the State assemblies of all 28 states and two union territories (Delhi and Puducherry) in the same year. The government aims to promote uniformity in its elections and projects the benefits of cost reductions, effective governance, and decreased policy disruptions. However, the proposal is fraught with a lack of clarity in its implementation and practicality regarding holding simultaneous elections in a country as vast and diverse as its expanse. The proposal has several loopholes and lacks clarity on important matters like midterm polls or the President’s rule, also there is a lack of consideration for regional parties^1.

This policy brief examines the ‘One nation, one election’, its problems, the likely impact, and possible policy proposals.

Introduction

One nation, one election’ is not entirely something new. It was a post-independence practice prevalent in the general elections of 1952, 1957, 1962, and 1967. Due to premature dissolutions of some state assemblies in 1968 and 1969 (like West Bengal, Haryana, Bihar, and others), the practice was discontinued. The government has reverted to the simultaneous polls which they believe reduce the overall electoral expenses. The Central government has constituted a panel, headed by former President Ram Nath Kovind, to explore the possibility of a ‘One Nation One Election’ in the country. The high-level committee submitted a report on 14^th March 2024 to President Draupadi Murmu, indicating the government’s intention to implement it.

Issues with committee’s recommendations:

• Lack of pragmatism: The report focused only on the positives of the proposed synchronized elections. The primary issue with the reports is that they failed to address how the government plans to hold simultaneous elections for the nation’s 96.88 crore voters at the same time. This will be practically challenging to execute considering India’s demography. There is a lack of procedural clarity regarding implementation.
• Threat to the federalism: Simultaneously conducting all the elections in the same year becomes a major federal issue because it would force current state legislatures to shorten or lengthen their terms to make the election dates coincide with the national deadline. The attempt to impose an artificial cycle of elections and restrict electoral choice compromises with the spirit of democracy, which is a direct threat to the constitutional recognition of India as a Democratic republic.
• Lack of clarity: There is no real clarity on how to deal with breaks due to the dissolution of Houses, the President’s Rule, or even a hung Assembly or Parliament.
• Relegation of regional parties and local issues: Regional political parties argue that simultaneous elections would strain their electoral budgets. The local issues would not be represented in the national sphere.
• The myth of cost-efficiency: The Election Commission would require an estimated ₹ 10,000 crore every 15 years to procure new Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs)². The minimum EVMs and VVPATs required for simultaneous polls would be 46,75,100 BUs (Ballot units), 33,63,300 CUs(Counting units), and 36,62,600 VVPATs (Voter-Verifiable Paper Audit Trail). The poll panel underlined the need for additional polling and security personnel, enhanced storage facilities for EVMs, and more vehicles.

• Autocratic potential:  A recent study published by IDFC ³ Institute concludes – “on average, there is a 77 percent chance that the Indian voter will vote for the same party for both the State and Centre when elections are held simultaneously”. Critics argue that this would lead to a ‘One nation, One party’ and chances of autocracy.

Amendments required in the Constitution for implementation

‘One nation, One election’ would require constitutional amendments to:

• Article 83 (deals with the duration of the Houses of Parliament),
  • Article 85 (deals with the President’s power to dissolve the Lok Sabha),
  • Article 172 (deals with the length of state legislatures)
  • Article 174 (deals with the dissolution of state legislatures) and
  • Article 356 (which deals with the imposition of President’s Rule in the states along with the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution, which deals with defection-related disqualification.

Conclusion

Electoral changes that uphold the fundamental tenets of democracy and tackle the pragmatic obstacles associated with holding elections ought to be the focus of India’s electoral policy. A rushed ill-conceived policy can produce unprecedented challenges to the polity of the nation. 

References

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/state-assembly-elections-nudging-the-voter-in-one-direction/article8438114.ece

[1] https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/lok-sabha-election-2024-news-one-nation-one-election-explained-what-is-it-how-can-it-work-5236599

[2]https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/ec-estimates-rs-10-000-crore-needed-every-15-years-for-new-evms-if-simultaneous-polls-held-4898470

[3] http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/state-assembly-elections-nudging-the-voter-in-one-direction/article8438114.ece